Shc 31

SHC 31: Promote communication in health, social care or children’s and young people’s settings. Understand why effective communication is important in the work setting. 1. 1: Identify the different reasons people communicate. We all communicate for many different reasons; it allows us to fully participate in society. Below is a spider diagram to show the key reasons to why we communicate: How these reasons relate to child care: We communicate to express our feelings, what we need and what we want. Without being able to do this at any age can make us frustrated. For younger children this frustration can lead to them also feeling isolated, so it is important that we try to understand what young children are trying to communicate and give them plenty of opportunities to do so. Sharing Information within any childcare setting is very important. Parents should be able to share information about their children’s likes, dislikes and any important information that a setting needs to know, regarding any known special needs, cultural beliefs, dietary requirements etc. Sharing this information with colleagues and other professionals will make sure that children are fully supported and allow the setting to work at its full potential. Children’s parents will also want to know how well their children are doing at the setting and if they are having any problems. Building and maintaining relationships are the underpinning factor in any childcare setting. Building relationships with parents, their children and colleagues ensure that the setting can run smoothly. Maintaining these relationships will account for much of our language and communication used throughout the day. As human beings we are creative and have our own thoughts and ideas that we need to share with others. Young children will often just come out with things that they are thinking, as they have not yet built up a thought process, where as adults generally tell their thoughts when they need to. Sharing thoughts and ideas about the setting you are in can be beneficial. Speaking up if you think something could be done in a different way or if you are not happy about something can be resolved. Not speaking out can cause tension. People like to be acknowledged, especially when you are speaking to them. Reassuring people that you are paying attention and listening to what they are saying can be as simple as giving them eye contact. With children and young people they may need a little more, praising them and taking an interest in what they are doing will reassure them that they are being heard and that they are important. The reassurance and acknowledgement of colleagues will also create an effective work setting. 1. 2 Explain how communication affects relationships in the work setting. Good working relationships are a crucial factor in any working environment Communication is a vital relationship-building skill. In childcare settings, it is essential to establish and maintain good relationships with children, their families and colleagues as well as other professionals that may be involved in the children’s care. Practitioners who have superior communication skills are more likely to have good relationships with everyone involved in the setting. Working relationships are influenced by the body language, tone of voice and the words that we use. For example good open body posture, calm facial expressions and a calm steady tone of voice will show that you are approachable, willing to help and open to communication. Crossed arms, stiff face and leaning against the wall will show that you are not open for communication and in turn may cause tension. Good communicators should also have good listening skills as people like to know that they are being heard, this can be shown through eye-contact, positioning of the body and a reassuring facial expression. Lack of communication skills can cause problems in the work place as it limits your ability to connect with people on any level. This can lead to tension and conflict. Below is a diagram of some of the ways working relationships are fundamental in child care. Being able to communicate well and form good working relationships is a massive part of the role of a child care practitioner. From the first moment a child steps into a setting on their first day, they are experiencing many different emotions due to the transition from being at home with parents or carers to starting a Pre-school or going from Primary to Secondary School. Children will feel apprehensive, scared and out of place. This can be made easier when the adults involved have good relationships with each other and share information effectively. Gaining information regarding the child like their full name and a little bit about them will make them feel more relaxed. Finding a way to communicate and build a relationship with the child will help them to settle in and feel comfortable with you and their surroundings. This also counts for the parents, they too will feel apprehensive about leaving their children unless they have trust that their child is in good hands. Building a good relationship with parents will ease their minds, in turn their children will settle in faster than if the parents and children are all worried. These relationships have to be maintained throughout the time the children are in the setting. This is to ensure that the children are able to reach their full potential. If they are happy and relaxed they are able to play and learn more effectively. Good communication from the adults around them will allow them to develop and build on vocabulary, develop concepts and express ideas. If you can communicate well and maintain working relationships you will become a valued member of staff and the children in your care will be able to reach their full potential as individuals learning form you and with your support. Here is a diagram of

Fiscal and Monetary Policy- the Response of Global Economic Crisis Especially in Eu Essay

Fiscal and Monetary policy- The response of global economic crisis especially in EU Introduction Monetary and fiscal authorities across the globe have responded quickly and decisively to these extraordinary developments. In particular, against the background of rapidly receding inflationary pressures and risks, the Euro system has taken monetary policy and liquidity management measures that were unprecedented in nature, scope and timing. Since October last year they reduced the interest rate on the main refinancing operations. They also provided unlimited liquidity support to the banking system in the euro area to maintain the flow of credit. Governments in the euro area have reacted swiftly to stabilize the financial system and to counteract the adverse impact of the financial crisis on the real economy. Both monetary and fiscal authorities will need to remain credible and effective, and to fulfill their respective responsibilities. In so doing, they will lay solid foundations for future economic recovery and long-term economic growth and job creation. The crisis has shown how important it is to have an independent central bank firmly committed to the objective of price stability. At the same time, governments must make a strong and credible commitment to a path of fiscal consolidation and thus comply with the Stability and Growth Pact. But they must also resist the temptation to further increase the size of the stimulus measures, as this could erode trust in the sustainability of public finances and undermine the effectiveness of the measures already adopted. Global economic situation The financial markets, which was triggered by a systematic under-pricing of risk, particularly in the US sub-prime mortgage market, has now developed into a fully-fledged financial and economic crisis at global level. While the world economy continues to face a severe and synchronized downturn, recent international business confidence indicators suggest that the pace of the decline in economic activity is slowing down somewhat. Most forecasters expect that the global economy is likely to recover in 2010. The economic prospects remain fraught with uncertainty. Compared with a few months ago, overall risks to global economic growth have become more balanced. A stronger positive confidence effect than expected triggered by the monetary and fiscal policy measures could lead to a more sustained recovery in global demand and in global trade, and a quicker normalization of financial market and credit conditions. If global policy actions fail to strike an appropriate balance between economic stimulus and longer-term sustainability, financial market conditions could turn unfavorable again. Global inflation rates have continued to diminish rapidly. This is mainly due to lower commodity prices, weaker labour market conditions and greater global economic slack. Risks to global inflation seem to be broadly balanced in the short to medium term. Inflation risks depend on how efficiently the authorities withdraw the policy stimulus. Euro activity In global developments, economic activity in the euro area has also contracted sharply since the second half of 2008. The euro area economy has shrunk by about 4% over the past two quarters, the worst decline since the start of Economic and Monetary Union. For the current quarter, there is evidence that the economy has shrunk further, though at a slower pace. The economy is no longer in free fall; we are seeing the first signs of stabilization. Indicators of consumer confidence and business sentiment have continued to improve somewhat. We are also seeing some encouraging signs of normalization in financial markets. The euro area economy is likely to be very weak for the remainder of past year. The real GDP growth are broadly in line with the most recent forecasts from the IMF and the European Commission. Both institutions expect the euro area economy to contract by 4% or more in 2009, followed by a gradual recovery in 2010. The projected gradual recovery reflects the significant macroeconomic stimulus under way and the measures taken to make the financial system function normally both inside and outside the euro area. Euro price development Inflation in the euro area has declined rapidly since it reached its highest level, 4%, last summer. In May, The decline over this period is primarily  due to the marked fall in global commodity prices, and particularly oil prices. Inflation rates are likely to enter negative territory during the summer, but we expect them to turn positive by the end of 2009. This can largely be explained by base effects from energy prices. These effects are of no concern to the ECB, which aims to maintain price stability in the medium term. In other words, its monetary policy strategy aims to ensure that short-term volatility in inflation rates does not lead to volatility in long-term inflation expectations. It is reinforced by the anticipation that prices will decline further in the future. As a consequence, inflation expectations become disanchored and negative, and firms and households may decide to postpone investments and major purchases. Medium-term inflation expectations remain well anchored at levels consistent with price stability, low or negative inflation rates for a short period of time may help to sustain real income and may therefore stimulate spending. But even if inflation rates to turn positive again by the end of this year, the weak economic outlook for the euro area is expected to keep domestic price pressures contained for some time. Monetary and financing conditions Financing conditions in the euro area, external financing costs have been declining since October last year, and particularly sharply since the start of this year. Following policy interest rate cuts, bank lending rates have fallen significantly. This indicates that the pass-through mechanism from policy rates to the real economy has continued to function in recent months, even though there is evidence that banks’ margins have widened. With credit spreads across all rating classes decreasing from their record highs and with stock prices rising, the overall cost of financing for euro area non-financial corporation’s is diminishing. In general, the recent positive signs from financial markets point to a gradual improvement in confidence among investors. Monetary policy The ECB has acted in a timely, decisive and appropriate manner since the start of the financial market. When the escalating financial crisis led to a rapid decline of inflationary pressures. The interest rate on the main refinancing operations now stands at 1.0%, its lowest level since the launch  of the euro. This level is appropriate taking into account all information and analyses. Money market rates have fallen even further to record lows, and the loan interest rates charged by banks have declined. Substantive monetary policy easing is already being felt in the real economy. In addition to lowering the policy interest rate quickly and sharply, we have resorted to highly non-standard liquidity operations in order to provide the financial system with the liquidity that was so urgently needed. Last October, They adopted a ‘fixed-rate full allotment’ procedure in all their open market operations. This gives banks as much central bank liquidity as they want at our key policy interest rate, against an expanded list of eligible collateral. Coupled with the fact that essentially all financially sound euro area credit institutions can participate in the Euro system’s refinancing operations, these measures have significantly eased the banks’ balance sheet constraints, thereby avoiding a sudden stop in the supply of credit and the emergence of a systemic crisis. Policy measures Both monetary and fiscal policy-makers have reacted in a forceful and timely manner, aiming to restore confidence. And indeed, as regards the Euro system’s monetary policy and liquidity management measures. Confidence has returned to financial markets, and business surveys are picking up. Global and domestic demand to increasingly benefit from the significant economic stimulus and the measures taken so far to bring the financial system back to normal functioning. Fiscal policy measures Fiscal authorities in the euro area have demonstrated their willingness and capacity to act rapidly and in a coordinated manner in exceptional circumstances. It is important to distinguish between measures intended to support the banking sector and fiscal policy measures aimed at stimulating demand. Support for the banking sector Government support for the banking sector was necessary; it has safeguarded the stability of the financial system. The price of this success, however, is that governments have incurred substantial fiscal costs and credit risks that are ultimately borne by taxpayers. Following the adoption of a  concerted European action plan on 12 October 2008, euro area governments announced national measures to support the banking sector. These measures consist of government guarantees for interbank lending, recapitalization of financial institutions in difficulty, increase the coverage of retail deposit insurance and asset relief schemes. Overall, euro area governments committed about 23% of euro area GDP to financial sector support measures. For the euro area, the various support measures adopted so far are expected to have only a small direct impact on government deficits, whereas the impact on debt is expected to be about 3% of GDP. Finally, contingent liabilities related to the financial rescue measures are expected to be about 8% of GDP, excluding government guarantees on retail deposits. These figures, however, do not reflect the very different developments taking place across euro area countries. Rising long-term government bond yields may only have a gradual impact on government borrowing costs, as changes in interest rates only affect the cost of newly issued debt and debt at variable interest rates. However, they may signal both a reduced willingness on the part of investors to provide long-term funding as well as difficulty in accessing capital market funds. So far, most euro area countries have enjoyed relatively low interest rates on new government debt issuance, despite facing considerably more difficult market conditions. Looking ahead, as the economy recovers and competition for financing increases, governments may face higher bond yields again. Use of fiscal policy In addition to providing financial support to the banking sector, euro area governments reacted forcefully to counter the negative impact of the financial turmoil on the real economy. Besides the operation of automatic stabilizers, which provide a significant cushion to the euro area economy by way of lower tax revenues and higher spending on unemployment benefits, the discretionary use of fiscal policy helped to mitigate the effects of the global economic downturn. However, fiscal stimulus measures need to remain temporary and be combined with measures that ensure fiscal sustainability over the medium run. This will preserve trust in the sustainability of public finances and support both the recovery and long-term economic growth. While the recent coordinated fiscal loosening has been broadly accepted as a legitimate and necessary step in the short run, given the exceptional economic circumstances, it also entails a significant fiscal burden. The latest available economic point to dramatic developments in euro area public finances. In addition to a rapidly deteriorating general government deficit, which is expected to be above 6% of euro area GDP in 2010, the euro area debt ratio will increase by about 15 percentage points to above 80% of GDP by 2010. These figures are very high, though they compare favorably with other major economic regions that have also provided a substantial fiscal impulse to their economy. The budget deficit in both the United Kingdom and the United States is projected to be about 14% of GDP in 2010. Against this backdrop, euro area countries must reject calls for additional fiscal loosening. In the current environment, any further fiscal stimulus is likely to be counterproductive as it could hamper the economic recovery in two ways. First of all, even higher fiscal deficits could fuel market concerns about a country’s ability to meet its future debt obligations, thus putting upward pressure on interest rates. Second, increasing budget deficits would also raise concerns about a higher tax burden in the future, thus inducing consumers to save rather than spend any additional income. The financial sector support measures, combined with the Euro system’s enhanced credit support measures, were successful in safeguarding the stability of the financial system. Together, these initiatives have the potential to tackle the crisis of confidence at its root also by taking into account the fundamental role of the banking sector in the functioning of the economy. The restructuring of the banking sector is the top policy priority, and progress in this domain is the key to economic recovery. Given the challenges which lie ahead, banks should take appropriate measures to strengthen their capital base and, where necessary, take full advantage of government support and in particular recapitalization measures. Fiscal policy can contribute to macroeconomic stability also through discretionary actions. When assessing the merits of the different measures  taken, we should differentiate between measures such as (1) expenditure increases and (2) tax cuts, and (3) measures like guarantees and loan subsidies to specific sectors of the economy. Moreover, this type of support would be difficult to reverse and might act as a brake on long-term growth. Turning to the effectiveness of fiscal measures to stimulate demand (spending increases and tax cuts), it crucially depends on the behavior of economic agents, and that in turn also affects the size of the fiscal multipliers (the GDP effect of fiscal stimulus measures). The expectation that higher government spending today may lead to higher taxation in the future would induce both households and firms to save rather spend any additional income, thus reducing the size of the fiscal multiplier. Therefore, the public perception of overall fiscal sustainability plays an important role in the impact of the respective national fiscal stimuli. The effectiveness of fiscal stimulus measures also depends on the extent to which private investors respond positively to tax policy, with their investments likely to be more responsive in the case of ‘temporary’ tax breaks, as they provide an incentive to bring forward future investment plans. At the same time, there is a risk that fisc al stimulus measures may crowd out private investment by putting upward pressure on interest rates. Fiscal stimulus measures should be ‘timely, temporary and targeted’. ‘Timely’ means that the measures take effect when they are needed; any delays in assessing the cyclical situation, in taking decisions and implementing the measures may fail to prevent a drop in output. ‘Temporary’ implies that the fiscal impulse should only last as long as the recession in question. ‘Targeted’ relates to the expected size of the multiplier effect. In addition to these ‘TTT’ criteria, the measures should be consistent with other policy objectives such as fiscal sustainability, long-term economic growth and the functioning of the market mechanism. Implications of policy measures The current crisis has increased the role of the government in the economy. Some bank rescue operations have involved outright nationalizations, so governments now have significant exposure to the financial sector. Similarly, the large fiscal stimuli packages adopted by many countries have led to a large increase in the size of the public sector in the economy. At the same time, the turmoil is being interpreted by some as a crisis of the market economy. It has encouraged critics of the market economy to speak out and demand a much larger role in the economy for governments.The financial system clearly needs a fundamental overhaul. Financial institutions have to take a different approach and adopt appropriate incentives. We need to strengthen the regulation of the financial system, and in particular, we must improve the international cooperation between national supervisors of the financial sector. But the policy-makers must not get carried away by recent events; they should act in a measured way, and not throw the baby out with the bathwater. While governments have had no alternative but to support systemically relevant financial institutions, they should, as a rule, keep their assistance to specific sectors or firms to a minimum. And when they do intervene, they should prepare clear and credible exit strategies. No matter how serious the current crisis is, the market economy remains the best way to organize our economic affairs. An exit strategy is a comprehensive programmed to withdraw and neutralize measures taken during the financial crisis, without causing any harm to the economy. If they have no well-defined exit strategy, governments may get bogged down and the positive impact of the measures taken may be undermined. A well thought-out exit strategy is needed to reassure economic agents that a timely restoration of the level playing field in the different sectors of the economy is the ultimate objective. As such, an exit strategy needs to contain clear criteria about the timing of the withdrawal of the financial support and the reversal of the fiscal stimuli. Euro area governments did not lay out clear exit strategies when they announced the stimuli. Some of their measures do not expire automatically or are not explicitly designed to be temporary. The possible difficulties of reversing the fiscal stimulus packages may hinder the return to sound fiscal positions in the short run. Under these circumstances, the peer pressure mechanism, on which the EU fiscal framework is based, may be weakened thus  making more difficult a return to sound fiscal policies. As a matter of fact, countries with high fiscal deficits may be tempted not to put political pressure on their peers. Protracted excessive deficits may undermine the credibility of the EU fiscal framework, thus casting doubts on fiscal sustainability and jeopardizing the Stability and Growth Pact. The current crisis has taught us an important lesson about the importance of preserving the public’s trust in the soundness of public finances. At the current juncture, euro area governments must make credible commitments to return to sound fiscal policies. Doing so in full compliance with the Stability and Growth Pact is the most credible exit strategy. This requires, first, a full reversal of the fiscal stimulus measures taken so far. This is necessary to ensure an efficient allocation of resources by minimizing distortions in the incentives of economic agents and by avoiding a permanent increase in the size of the public sector. Second, governments must live up to their commitment to maintain fiscal discipline. This means that credible fiscal consolidation plans have to be implemented as early as possible, including a consolidation effort of at least 1% of GDP per annum where necessary. Understanding the monetary policy from the crisis The current crisis demonstrates, once again, how important it is for central banks to remain independent of political influence. Even if we are experiencing the worst economic downturn since the 1930s, long-term inflation expectations in the euro area remain solidly anchored in line with the ECB’s definition of price stability. Although central banks may be charged with additional tasks in the aftermath of the crisis, their primary objective must remain the maintenance of price stability. We cannot allow any conflicts of interest to arise. The high-level expert group headed by Jacques de Larosià ¨re, former Governor of the Bank of France and Managing Director of the IMF, has identified a number of weaknesses in the supervisory framework both inside and outside Europe that contributed to the build-up of the current crisis. The important role played by monetary analysis – and in particular the role of asset prices – when assessing the risks to price stability over the  medium term. Price stability is our primary objective, but this does not imply that we only focus on short to medium-term movements in inflation. Any build-up of financial imbalances which could pose risks to price stability in the longer term could be overlooked under a restrictive short-term approach. The ECB’s assessment of risks to price stability is well equipped to detect these types of risk as it is based on a comprehensive economic and monetary analysis – its well-known two-pillar strategy. The first pillar, the economic analysis, is common to most central banks. This analysis basically consists of identifying risks to price stability in the short to medium term by analyzing the interplay between aggregate supply and aggregate demand in the economy. The second pillar, the monetary analysis, plays a more prominent role at the ECB than at other central banks. The ECB pays special attention to monetary developments in recognition of the fact that monetary growth and inflation are closely related in the medium to long term. Analyzing developments in credit, and in particular loans to the private sector, is helpful in extracting the relevant signals from the monetary developments. This analysis also implies a regular monitoring of asset price developments and their implications. This analysis will become even more prominent in the future. Conclusion The fiscal and monetary authorities have responded forcefully and their efforts are slowly starting to bear fruit. The pace of the economic contraction appears to be slowing down, and confidence indicators have improved somewhat. The crisis has highlighted the importance of sound public finances. Governments need to consolidate during good economic times in order to have room for man oeuvre during not-so-good times. With respect to monetary policy, the crisis has demonstrated the importance of having an independent central bank credibly committed to price stability. The fiscal and monetary authorities have an important role in sustaining the economic recovery. Governments must devise and enact credible strategies to exit from the banking sector and to ensure that the discretionary policy measures adopted during the crisis will be reversed. Their full compliance with the Stability and Growth Pact is the best tool to solidly anchor market expectations. Most importantly, we will continue to deliver on what we are expected to deliver, which is to maintain price stability, and to provide an anchor of confidence in difficult times. The current crisis has shown how important it is for countries to consolidate during good economic times and to build a ‘fiscal reservoir’ from which they can draw in periods of ‘drought’. Many euro area countries failed to do so. They suddenly found themselves in this turbulent environment burdened by high fiscal deficits and debt ratios. As regards monetary policy, it is equally important to draw up a strategy for withdrawing in due course the extraordinary measures that have been implemented or announced. The ECB obviously cannot maintain the current degree of support indefinitely. We are providing substantial short-term support to the financial system and the real economy, and thereby ultimately maintaining price stability. In fact, we are prepared to take appropriate actions once the macroeconomic environment improves. We will ensure that the measures taken can be quickly unwound and the liquidity provided absorbed. This includes, for instance, unwinding the increase in the average maturity of our refinancing operations. Being prepared to exit from our non-standard measures – as soon as the macroeconomic conditions justify such a move – helps to maintain price stability over the medium term and to ensure a firm anchoring of longer-term inflation expectations. References Alan Auerbach and Yuriy Gorodnichenko, 2012a, â€Å"Measuring the Output Responses to Fiscal Policy,†American Economic Journal: Economic Policy,  Alan Auerbach and Yuriy Gorodnichenko, 2012b, â€Å"Fiscal Multipliers in Recession and Expansion,† NBER Chapters, in Fiscal Policy after the Financial Crisis, edited by Alberto Alesina and Francesco Giavazzi (University of Chicago Press). Rà ¼diger Bachmann and Eric Sims, 2012, Confidence and the transmission of government spending shocks,† Journal of Monetary Economics Blanchard, O. and R. Perotti (2002). â€Å"An Empirical Characterization of the Dynamic Effects of Changes in Government Spending and Taxes on Output.† Quarterly Journal of Economics 117(4): 1329-1368. Nicoletta Batini, Giovanni Callegari and Giovanni Melina, 2012. â€Å"Successful Austerity in the United States, Europe and Japan,† IMF Working Papers 12/190, International Monetary Fund. Anja Baum and Gerritt Koester, 2011, â€Å"The Impact of Fiscal Policy on Economic Activity Over the Business Cycle – Evidence from a Threshold VAR Analysis† Deutsche Bundesbank’ Anja Baum, Marcos Poplawski-Riberio and Anke Weber, 2012, â€Å"Fiscal Multipliers and the State of the Economy,† IMF Working Paper, International Monetary Fund, December. International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook (2008).†Fiscal Policy as a countercyclical tool.† October Ethan Ilzetzki, Enrique Mendoza & Carlos Vegh, 2011. â€Å"How Big (Small?) are Fiscal Multipliers?,† IMF Working Papers (International Monetary Fund.) Forthcoming, Journal of Monetary Economics. Daniel Shoag, 2012, â€Å"The Impact of Government Spending Shocks: Evidence on the Multiplier from State Pension Plan Returns,† Harvard Kennedy School. Antonio Spilimbergo, Steven Symansky, and Martin Schindler, â€Å"Fiscal Multipliers,† Staff Position NoteNo. 2009/11, International Monetary Fund. Perotti, R. (2002). â€Å"Estimating the effects of fiscal policy in OECD countries.† ECB Working Paper.

Business Plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words - 2

Business Plan - Essay Example The restaurant will specialize in a combination of fast cold or hot sandwiches and salads. It will also have specific recipes for the Dubai locals. The FWD’s unique menu, excellent location and repeat business are the main keys to the restaurants success. The restaurant will basically be a sole proprietorship owned by Ursula. The initial capital investment will be $30000. An additional of capital of $20000 will be raised in short term loan. The company will however overcome these challenges due to its excellent location. Further, it intends to draw into its main target market segment (business professionals) by providing a suitably upscale environment. For the restaurant to achieve the highest sales volume especially during its peak hours, it will seek to provide the customers with quality food and maximum number of services. It has planned charge a slightly higher price on its product and services that the competitors to justify for its upscale establishment and also cover for the operating costs that are expected to be higher because of the expanded and differentiated menu. First World Delicacies (FWD) is a new era restaurant that focuses on fast, nutritious and, healthy food to the local downtown area in Dubai. The restaurant will specialize in a combination of fast cold or hot sandwiches and salads. It will also have specific recipes for the Dubai locals. The distinct menu offered by the FWD allows it to follow a differentiation strategy which will allow it to provide hard to find or unique choices to its customers. All these will enable the restaurant to charge a slightly higher price that the customers thereby returning a significant profit. FWD is basically a restaurant which has both lunch and dinner menus. It also treats customers who come for dinner with a theme show. First World Delicacies (FWD) is a new era restaurant that

Case study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 48

Case Study Example There are similarities between the two leaders. They both support communication that is critical to any organizations success. Problems can be detected fast and allow decision makers to execute as illustrated in the ship sending a message informing the other party. In Semco giving opinions on opportunities and advancements gave room for participation and involvement to workers. Creativity and innovation was also a great mover of the two. Giving opportunities to both teams gave them a chance to exploit new ways of carrying out their respective duties. In Michael’s ship idea, the young were well trained but they did not have a room for improvement. However, practicing discipline without formalism made them generate new ideas. It was amazing to see what it brought to the firm through removing bureaucratic system and empowering the workers. Flexibility, respect, dignity and maintaining quality of life drove the firms to success. In Semco, they could choose the times for their respective duties, how to dress that motivated them. Offering responsibility and not orders, devotion changed the ship operations However, the two differ in relation to their organizational philosophy where in the beginning Semler viewed an autocratic leadership style but later came to adapt a democratic style. Michael was involved knowing every crewmember of the ship and better understood their problems and see how he could improve their lives. On the other hand, Semler’s leadership was mainly concentrated on performance and strategies. He, however, was forced by circumstances in the end to listen to workers since they were the pillar to the firm. Change was essential; Michael’s ship was mainly changed through direct involvement of the young crewmembers bringing their ideas on board while Semco change came because of economic cycles and the firm had to do something to save its

Evaluation of transferable skills gained during its completion Assignment

Evaluation of transferable skills gained during its completion - Assignment Example This is termed as view of quality. In the gap based view of quality, the quality can be achieved by overcoming the customer perceptions. In case of certain products, the quality is related to certain pre-defined standard level. Conformance to a standard or specification is treated as quality. The customer perceptions are mainly related to the pre-defined quality standards. By minimising the errors on product and service, the quality standards can be achieved, â€Å"From a production/operations point of view, customer satisfaction is about monitoring the quality of delivery of the product and service, the aim being to minimise production errors so saving money and making customers happy.† (Customer satisfaction 2009). Quality and customer satisfaction are closely related. In order to ensure customer satisfaction, quality is an essential factor. In order to measure the customer satisfaction, the examination of the complaints from the customers is an adoptable way. Customer satisfaction is a multidimensional concept. Customer satisfaction and service quality are closely related even though they are independent factors. Thus an increase in the quality level should increase the degree of customer satisfaction. Customer satisfaction is the mostly adopted tool for business growth and it is greatly related to factors such as quality and production measurement. The changes in the operational performance and product quality are mainly aimed at improving the degree of customer satisfaction towards them. Customers are the driving force in any business. To enhance the customer satisfaction continuous improvement in the quality level is required for the business. Process service and work environment are subjected to the quality concept. For balancing the needs of customers quality is an essential element. While producing high quality products and services, customer

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN BUSINESS Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 4

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN BUSINESS - Assignment Example It will argue the fact that constructivist criticism concerning realism is justified. However, this is largely dependent on the alternative procedural decision making process offered by the constructivists. To illustrate this, arguments as well as practical problems that call for constructivist criticism on realism will be analyzed. A common ground between constructivists and realists arises on the question of whether moral concepts possess values of truth. The two groups acknowledge the existence of truth-apt in moral concepts. The difference, however, surfaces about the role of moral concepts as well as what do renders them true. As realists would have it, moral concepts could have values of truth because they illustrate normative entities or facts that exist independently of those concepts themselves. Metaethical constructivists, on the other hand, oppose the fact that all that moral concepts are meant to elaborate the reality. Constructivism may be understood as a different view that the function of a normative concept uses to refer schematically to the solving a practical problem. Contrary to traditional analysis, constructivists’ account of a concept is aimed at working out solutions to problems.   The approaches to moral concepts differ between constructivists and realists in terms of nature. Constructivist have centered their criticism mainly revolving on the radical knowledge that defines the reality as a function of moral concepts. In addition to that, there exists other reproaches against realist views. One of the main questions asked is which phenomenon describes the decision making process better-realism on constructivism based on moral values. The second would be whether one view of the reproaches against another are acceptable. Last but not least, which would be explained further, would be which theory would be more credible and under what conditions. Realist views, on one hand, and constructivists’ views,

Effects of Globalization on the US Steel Producers Research Paper

Effects of Globalization on the US Steel Producers - Research Paper Example Globalization is an integrated term related to the people, industries and government policies of different nations. With the virtue of globalization, people today can share the new ideas, technologies, and techniques. These developed traits can further be implied by them into their own corporations with an aim of betterment. Therefore, globalization has a great impact on the culture, political system and economic development of any and every economy. Likewise, the US steel producers are also affected by globalization. For instance, the competition has increased in the international steel industry making it more challenging and complex. However, an industry can gain opportunities and incur threats simulataneuously due to the impct of globalization. The US steel industry is also fluctuated with many of the factors active in the global market. US steel industry is one of the major steel producing sectors in the inetrnational market. It chiefly produces iron-ore and coke for steel manufacturing. Worth mentioning, it achieved a net sales of 16,873 million doller in the year 2007 which was a steep rise when compared to the net sales amounting 15,715 million dollar in the year 2006. Besides producing steel, it is also involved in other business activities, such as developing transportaion via rail and barge operations (United States Steel Corporation, 2007). The integration of globalization with the US economy occurred rapidly which in turn affected the US steel industry quite strongly. Notably, the consequences raised by the integration of US steel industry with the global market were severe. For instance, the globalization provides the US consumers more choices and lower prices which increases the power of buyers at large. It also increases the employment rate in the global market (Plummer, 2006). As steel is chiefly produced in the US and in the South Korean industries, threre exists a wage restrain between the two economies. This illustrates the fact, that if the wages of the US steel industry is too high, then it will not be able to compete with South Korean steel suppliers and other economies as well. This would most probably lead the US steel producers to decline along with an increased constraint of unemployment. According to Plummer, hardly any other economy could compete with the US technology three decades ago. But presently s everal countries have advanced in technology as a result of globalization. This reveals the fact that the US economy requires to concentrate more on its competitive edge when compared with the international market. On the similar context, the imports and exports are also affected because of globalization which in turn influences the US based steel industry largely (Plummer, 2006). American Institute for International Steel, Inc’s study on The US Steel Market reveals that steel industry of the US has a record of profit gained from the exportation of steel in the global market. Higher prices of steel in global markets in comparison to that of the US steel industry has resulted in exports amounting approximately to 13 million tons. In this milieu, China, Europe and India are recognised as the major receivers of the US made steels (American Institute for International Steel, Inc, 2009). High freight rate and attractive prices in Turkey, Oman, Russia and Europe have

FINANCE STRATEGY- EXAM REVISION QUESTION Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

FINANCE STRATEGY- EXAM REVISION QUESTION - Essay Example This means that the repayment of the principal exceeds one year. The following are types of long-term debt Bonds – negotiable instruments that can be bought and sold like common stock, usually at units of $1,000 which is called its face or par value. It has a specified interest rate called coupon rate. Interest payments are usually paid at the end of each interest period, while the principal is paid at maturity. Debentures – This is a bond the only collateral of which is â€Å"the full faith and credit† of the company. The loan is made only on the basis of the creditworthiness and credit rating of the debtor. Debentures are thus a form of unsecured credit and command a higher interest rate because of the higher risk. Mortgage Bonds – This is also a bond like the debenture, but it is secured by a specific collateral, usually a piece of real property. Mortgage bond lenders are thus secured lenders. Because of the security, interest rates are usually lower than debentures. Convertible Bonds – A type of debenture that may be converted to a share of stock at a later date. This special feature allows for a relatively lower interest rate, because of the lower risk of default (the lender may elect to convert to common stock) i. Stock – An instrument that signifies an ownership position (the stock holder owns a portion of the company). A stockholder is entitle to rights of ownership of a business, such as the right to receive a portion of the profits, and the right to vote for the company’s board of directors, or for certain issues in the governance of the company. i. Efficient market hypothesis – Theory of Eugene Fama formulated in the sixties. It states that the prices of stocks in the stock markets have taken all relevant information into consideration already – that is, prices discount all information – so that it is impossible to beat the market by trying to buy stocks at undervalued levels. Stock

The Postmodern Proletariat Essay Example for Free

The Postmodern Proletariat Essay ABSTRACT Although the landscape of the business world has changed dramatically, there is disagreement among scholars as to whether Marx’s theory of alienation still applies to the current workplace environment. Although the advent of unions and teamsters groups, employee stock options and ownership sharing plans, and job benefits seem to ameliorate working conditions thereby minimizing the existence of alienation, some scholars believe that other inventions from capitalism such as globalization and information technology communications offset the balance gained from these improvements in labor relations thereby further promulgating its effects. Using historical observation from the early years of capitalism in America, social identity theory, and literature on information technology and corporate cultural diversity, a disparity emerges regarding how the social alienation of minorities differs from that of non-minority members. A dialectical inquiry is made to determine how the history of capital labor in America is related to social alienation based on a worker’s racial or cultural heritage. INTRODUCTION Some scholars suggest that Marxian theory is antiquated and that due to advances in technology, the evolution of industry and the change in the way business is conducted, individuals in the workplace may experience less alienation than before. The evolution of organizational and employee developments such as the unions and teamsters groups, employee stock options and ownership sharing plans, and job benefits may offer explanations as to why symptoms of alienation have yet to birth a proletariat revolution as theorized by Marx. Additionally, socio-economic â€Å"safety nets† established by legislation to save capitalism such as the creation of the â€Å"living wage†, welfare, child labor laws, equal employment opportunity and affirmative action programs, and social security have also assisted in the maintenance of capitalism thereby minimizing the impact alienation has on individuals in the workplace. However, for most minorities and women these developments that have occurred throughout American history have done little to ameliorate alienation because until approximately the last 30 – 40 years few labor laws were designed with minorities in mind. As a matter of fact, even legislation designed to protect minorities and women is often challenging to enforce, allowing alienation to exist from factors including unequal employment opportunities, a lack of diversity in the workplace, and unequal pay between men and women or based on race. Research suggests that women and minorities on average still make as little as between 75% 80% of white men’s wages in paid labor. Marx has been criticized for overlooking this stratum of alienation based on race and gender that illuminates a different face of capitalism. Marx proposed four dimensions of alienation that can be classified as self, social, product, and means of production. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how alienation occurs in different ways overlooked in the literature by redefining the worker through the lens of social identity theory which may explain how alienation is a relative concept. Questions will be addressed such as which workers may experience relative alienation? What other forms of alienation exist and to whom may it apply? And how can the new proletariat be effectively managed in efforts to reduce anxiety as a result of social or cultural dissonance? Following a brief literature review of Marxian theory, social identity theory, and literature on information technology, I will examine how the expansion of capitalism has spawned a modern more diverse proletariat that still experiences alienation, but in varying degrees that differ from non-minority workers. This paper will theoretically demonstrate how time affects the social alienation of minorities in a manner different than non-minority members resulting in a dialectical inquiry of how the history of capital labor in America is related to social alienation. LITERATURE REVIEW The link between capitalism and labor Throughout the history of the world, it is labor power which has elevated any so called civilized society. According to Marx, before the emergence of capitalism, society was more communal and each person in society contributed his/her own labor where it was needed and in the way best suited for his or herself (Marx Engels, 1951). For example, there were blacksmiths, hunters, fisherman etc. and each bartered and traded with one another for their sustenance. Approximately 2,000 years before the dawn of capitalism â€Å"false needs† (those needs that the culture capital industry makes us to believe are real (Marcuse, 1964) did not exist apart from necessary ones such as food and shelter. For almost all of human history people and communities grew, hunted, and traded for what they needed (Agger, 2004). The creation of money changed this, according to Marx (Marx Engels, 1951a), because it could be saved and used for many purposes as it became an intermediary in the trading proces s. Instead of simply being used as a tool of value to acquire necessary needs like basic food and shelter, money began to signify success or social status which gradually distanced individuals from one another (Agger, 2004), hence the term alienation. Another type of labor Marx termed free labor (Marx Engels, 1951b), although the term â€Å"free† is a misnomer. This form of labor was one in which slaves provided labor. They were bought and sold along with their labor power once to a slave owner thereby becoming a commodity such as a dishwasher or a tractor. It is important to note that the slave is the commodity so his labor power is no longer a commodity that belongs to him. Marx’s account of history explains how the bourgeoisie capitalist emerged (Marx Engels, 1951a) but for the purposes of this paper I will fast forward to capitalism in colonial America which includes the most recognized form of labor that still exist today, wage labor. Although wage labor is labor that is at first owned by the worker, it can be sold by the worker thereby making it so that the labor is no longer under the worker’s control. â€Å"The worker receives means of subsistence in exchange for his labor power, but the capitalist receives in exchange for his means of subsistence labour, the productive activity of the worker, the creative power whereby the worker not only replaces what he consumes but gives to the accumulated labour a greater value than it previously possessed.†(Marx Engels, 1951b, pp85) This type of relationship between the worker and the capitalist along with the creation of currency creates what Marx termed as alienation (Giddens Held, 1982). Marx’s theory of alienation Marx attributes four types of alienation to labor under capitalism (Giddens Held, 1982). According to Marx, when the worker gets paid for completing an assigned task, he is actually selling his labor as a commodity. This commodity is a form of capital that Marx terms as having social power because the power is transferred from the proletariat or worker to the capitalist (Marx Engels, 1951b). Once this transfer of labor power occurs, alienation develops for many reasons as outlined by Marx (Giddens Held, 1982). The first includes the alienation of the worker from his or her true self as a human being rather than a machine due to the lack of opportunity for self expression and directly benefitting from the fruits of one’s individual labor. The profit or commodity created as a result of one’s labor is privately owned by someone other than the creator. The second form of alienation, social alienation, occurs between workers since capitalism reduces labor to a commodity to be traded on the market and disrupts the social relationship among workers. Thirdly, since the product is controlled by the capitalist, alienation exists between the worker and the product itself. The worker no longer has control of his own life because he no longer has any control of his own work. Before the emergence of capitalism, labor was a person’s life activity. According to Marx a worker never become autonomous or experience self-realization because their life activity or work becomes controlled by someone else. The manifestation of their life through the fruits of their labor is no longer realized by the worker herself. Now their labor is only significant in the way the bourgeois want it. Lastly, alienation exists from the act of production itself due to high specialization and the division of labor (Smith, 1991) among workers that results in high efficiency for the capitalist but becomes a meaningless activity, offering little intrinsic satisfaction for the worker. Marx also noted that religion strengthens the alienation process by causing individuals to accept their lot in life no matter its condition. Social identity theory Tajfel (1978) defines social identity as â€Å"that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership.†(pp. 63). Tajfel and Turner (1979) further described social categorization as one of three processes that underlie social identity theory (SIT). Social categorization is the process by which individuals categorize others into groups in efforts to organize social information (Ellemers, De Gilder, Haslam, 2004; Tajfel, 1978). According to Tajfel (1978), social categorization is the underlying process of SIT that is sufficient as well as necessary to induce forms of in-group favoritism and out- group discrimination. The second process, social comparison, occurs when people make comparisons between the self–perceived categories of groups in relation to the group’s perceived values and their own individual values ( Tajfel, 1978). Social identification, the final process, allows people define themselves based on their level of affiliation with a group that they believe shares the same values they wish to attain. The choice of group affiliation is also based on the perceived value that the group holds in expectation of receiving personal benefit from such membership (Ashforth Mael, 1989). Ashforth and Mael (1989) also note that this categorization process serves the purposes of (a) helping people make sense of their environment by defining other in relation to their group membership, and (b) enabling individuals to define themselves in comparison to other groups. People are then more likely to identify with a group with whom they share similarities, because their identification is based on how they categorize themselves as similar to those within the group (van Knippenberg van Schie, 2000). Turner (1978) demonstrated in various experiments where groups were created with minimal categorization, when there is no category placed on them, participants artificially created in- groups and out- group dynamics. This showed evidence that individuals in groups will create artificial divisions between themselves and individuals from other groups even when no observable differences are salient. Other experiments demonstrated that since race is a very salient characteristic, its social categorization may induce in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination as well. One such example of how inter-group bias is resolved through an understanding of SIT is taken from what is known as the Robber’s Cave study in which two groups of boys campers were placed on two different sides of the campgrounds unaware one another (Gaertner, Dovidio, Banker, Houlette, Johnson, McGlynn, 2000). Upon each group’s awareness of each other, they immediately began to discriminate against each other for no salient reason other than the fact that they were in different groups. This resulted in each group creating an in-group and out-group condition. However, using decategorization, conflict between the two groups was ameliorated (Gaertner, Dovidio, Banker, Houlette, Johnson, McGlynn, 2000). Decategorization is the process by which individuals in groups are isolated from their group and placed in a situation in which they must interact with a member from another group they deem as the out-group. Over time, surface level differences erode and deep level similarities emerge which helps them to decategorize themselves in relation to their group membership. Isolation from the influence of their group members enables this decategorization to occur, thereby reducing conflict between the members from different groups. The contemporary workplace Managing diversity. Some diversity scholars suggest that a demographically representative workforce results in more innovation and creativity (Jackson, 1991; Cox Blake, 1991). There has been an increased recognition of the need for more diversity as it is not only ethical, but is also good for business. A diverse workforce assists companies in attracting customers by having sales teams that â€Å"speak the language† of the minority consumer. Marketing and promotion becomes more effective because a company with a diverse workforce has a greater understanding of the culture and values of its consumers helping them to connect with them. Overall, this paradigm shift in the hiring practices of current companies occurs as it heavily impacts their bottom line in a profitable manner. This new shift is very evident as the backlash from majority group members such as White males mounts. Protests against affirmative action programs and blaming minorities for economic crises such as job layoffs, falling real incomes, and diminished access to quality education have resulted in racial profiling and hate crimes (Agger, 2002), other ways to alienate minority members. Information communication technology (ICT). Communication via technologies has been shown to change group interaction. It tends to equalize participation, because group members participate more equally, and charismatic or higher status members may have less power (Kiesler, Siegel, McGuire, 1984). Social psychological aspects of computer- mediated communications studies of groups that make decisions via computer interaction have shown they were more uninhibited and there was less influence from any one dominant person. It appears that groups that communicate by computer experience a breakdown of social and organizational barriers. This may occur because we as individuals can recreate ourselves forming a new identity, a cyber self (Agger, 2004). The cyber self is described by Agger as the self-assembled, manipulated persona that â€Å"accesses† the world via online. According to Agger, a capitalist system thrives off consumer self-invention as we create status and false needs for ourselves. In a cyber-capitalism (Agger, 2004) this still occurs but with one’s true identity hidden. This may be beneficial for minorities who still may become socially alienated even after reinventing themselves. THEORETICAL DEVELOPMENT Karl Marx said â€Å"the history of all hitherto-existing society is the history of class struggles† (Marx Engels, 1951a). Although many scholars acknowledge overlaps between class and race, I believe the salience of racial color and distinct racial features helps to further explain dynamics regarding the relationship between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and its effect on promulgating capitalism and alienation. As we have observed, the history of social economic systems depicts changes in how labor was utilized. Consequently, it may also demonstrate the extent of alienation exhibited by workers. The majority of the first settlers and later most immigrants of European ancestry up until present day experienced alienation as theorized by Marx. But unlike the worker who sold his labor as the commodity, the slave laborer was the commodity, providing free labor while the worker or the serf earned a wage. Although Marx does make the distinction between wage labor and slave labor to some degree (Marx Engels, 1951b), he does not delve into the consequences or the degree of the difference between the two regarding the consequences of alienation. According to Marx, the capitalist society leads to the alienation of workers by not allowing them to express themselves through their work. The proletariat is alienated because she is compensated less for her labor versus profiting from her own entrepreneurial efforts. Smith argued that this arrangement is fair because the capitalist assumes the risk (Smith, 1991). This debate may be arguable for the average laborer at that period in history, but can this same argument of fairness hold true for the slave laborer? Although Marx spoke about alienation among working class, he failed to detail the condition of the slaves at the time who one could argue were the most alienated. At best, Marx related that the Negro slave is a commodity only if used as one, such as a sewing machine or any other commodity (Marx Engels, 1951b). In reality SIT demonstrates how the saliency of race attaches a stigma to the slave as being only a slave, with skin color serving as an identifier. The result is that not only was the labor of a slave a commodity, but the slave itself was the commodity who could not profit from his/her own labor. This is the first example of how alienation differs between minorities and other workers. A dialectic exists because although alienation exist for all workers, it is greater for minorities, ergo the slaves, due to social injustice. This oversight in Marxian theory is important to recognize as it may mean that levels of strength of alienation should be identified. Ironically, capitalism, the economic force that initially promulgated slavery, became the economic force that would ameliorate the condition of alienation among minorities in a dialectical sense. According to Marx, the mass of wage labor grows as the capital grows (Marx Engels, 1951b). In his words, â€Å"the number of wage workers grows; the domination of capital extends over a greater number of individuals,† (Marx Engels, 1951b, pp 87). When four million Blacks were released from slavery in 1865 (Bennet, 1984), they were forced to compete with White laborers which created a troubled situation. However, Northerners looked south for cheap labor and imported Blacks to beat down a higher standard living or to break up unions (Meltzer, 1984). It was capitalism at its finest which served to create an opportunity for ex-slaves. Although they experienced more alienation than their White counterparts because they were not allowed to unionize, being in a situation where they could a ctually work for a wage could be considered a step –up from their past condition of slavery and poverty. The industrial revolution of the late 18th and early 19th century provides additional examples of how not only the need for labor increased, but how this need created â€Å"token† labor for minorities who ordinarily would have faced discrimination and not found work. The transcontinental railroad project is considered by some to be one of the most important projects in American history because it enabled Americans to connect across the entire U.S. An enormous undertaking, the Central Pacific Railroad, was so large and dangerous that there was a greater than usual demand for labor that minorities were able to fill (Schama, 2009). This important endeavor would not have been completed had it not been for the Chinese immigrants at that time. They were not wanted by the contractors at first, and were mistakenly considered too frail and effeminate for the job due to their small body frame and minimal facial hair. However, due to the need for more workers, they temporarily overcame p rejudice and eventually comprised a significant amount of its workforce until its completion. Positing from Marx, dimensions of alienation existed due to the level of dangerous working conditions and the mind numbing and repetitive division of labor. At the completion of the project, the Chinese were not even recognized for their outstanding accomplishment. However, I argue that they experienced a decrease in the level of social alienation they would experience by having an opportunity to work alongside other Americans at a time when prejudice against them was volatile. Again, the dialectic occurs whereas Marx’s theory of alienation applies to the work situation, but the fact that a job existed at all for the Chinese in a prejudiced society demonstrated the amelioration of alienation for minorities through capitalism. However, when observed as a comparison between minority and non-minority workers I propose that the level of alienation for minorities is still high as compared to non-minorities. This may demonstrate how alienation could possibly be moderated by the race of a worker. Both examples from history provide evidence for what could be termed as relative alienation. Adam Smith assumed that saving money and having a Protestant work ethic of self denial, working hard and delaying gratification was a driving force behind capitalism (Smith, 1991). He was correct in that it supported and helped to ignite its birth in America, but by the end of World War II people needed to spend money in order for capitalism to thrive (Agger, 2002). As a result people began to spend beyond their means and credit was popularized as a new way of spending. Eventually this new dimension of consumerism led to the Great Depression of 1929. As a result, a host of programs were introduced by President Franklin Roosevelt to salvage the economy and the capitalistic way of life. Many new measures were devised by the Roosevelt administration to combat the Depression. The work week was shortened, young children were forbidden to work, a minimum wage was set, and federal relief programs including social security were implemented. A public works program built new hospitals, schools and community centers, and playgrounds which created millions of jobs (Meltzer, 1984). It was not until these frantic years of the New Deal, as it was called, that Blacks began to move into unions as well as begin to truly benefit greatly from the creation of new jobs. Although discriminated against, minorities again experienced a different level of social alienation in the workplace, as compared to their White counterparts (Meltzer, 1984). Henry Ford is noted for his revolutionary business model using the assembly line as well as for increasing the wages of his workers so that they may purchase his vehicles. The Ford Model T was the first automobile mass produced on assembly lines with completely interchangeable parts, marketed to the middle class. The needed factory worker knowledge and skills were also reduced to one of 84 areas. Although according to Marx this scenario serves as a situation for alienation to exist, for the minority worker it may be considered an elevation in social status in a foreign land in which they experience prejudice. It is noted that approximately 75% of Ford’s workforce were immigrants (Schama, 2009). Unfortunately, this was not due to Ford’s compassion for minorities in need of work, but rather for the need to meet the demands of labor. This demand continued during World War I and through World War II as men serving their country as soldiers were unavailable to meet the labor needs of capitalism. Minorities stepping in, although alienated by the exploitation of their labor, experienced an improvement in social alienation from White co-workers simply by having an opportunity to work with them. The birth of information communication technology has transformed the landscape of business and work group interaction. Its effect of removing barriers and equalizing members within interacting groups helps to ameliorate conditions of alienation of minorities with co-workers. The cyber self can be used to better connect with members from all cultural backgrounds. First, it is a self- assembled invention of the self that allows minorities get a â€Å"foot in the door† thereby enabling them to connect with co-workers in manner that blinds them from bias or prejudice. Secondly, computer-mediated interaction between members equalizes participation by removing the influence from dominant personalities or members. This is akin to a decategorization process by which majority members and minority members may converse via ICT without influence from ethnic, racial, or gender group member affiliation. I propose that this will enable deep-level characteristic to emerge while surface-level difference dissolve, enhancing the interaction between members. As a result, the probability of alienation occurring between co-workers may diminish in the contemporary workplace. CONCLUSION The sonnet inscribed on the Statue of Liberty reads: Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me. I lift my lamp beside the golden door. These words convey an offering of liberty and prosperity by capitalism and democracy that can be perceived as sincere. The history of capital demonstrates that the mantra of Lady Liberty may have in reality been a call for cheap labor to perpetuate capital and grow the U.S. economy. In turn, the rise of industry with an influx of immigrants created more than just a melting pot, but also bred a new type of worker different from the proletariat described by Marx. By deconstructing this new proletariat, we find that over time alienation in the workplace has manifested itself in a disguised manner for all Americans, but simultaneously improved co-worker interaction for minorities as a result of contemporary business practices. Recognizing this dialectic, the construct of alienation should be examined further in order to identify its different dimensions relative to the cultural and racial identity of workers. Additionally, managers and leaders should continue to foster business diversity practices that serve to be inclusive of all so as to minimize cultural or social dissonance among co-workers. Although capitalism has been attributed a major cause of alienation, it is ironic that the contemporary ways of doing business spawned from capitalistic expansion may save capitalism from becoming a socially dominant force that transgresses the basic rights of humanity. The new ways that businesses communicate and produce services and products at may seem to only intensify workplace social alienation at first glance. Ideologies created by capitalism such as globalization, just-in-time production, and the culture industry seem to have heightened alienation among workers in our wealth building society. However, so long as other ideologies of capitalism such as managing diversity for profit and ITC also exist, social alienation can be manageable. REFERENCES Agger, Ben. 1989. Fast Capitalism: A Critical Theory of Significance. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Agger, Ben. 2002. Postponing the Postmodern: Sociological Practices, Selves and Theories. Boulder, CO: Rowman and Littlefield. Agger, Ben. 2004. The Virtual Self: A Contemporary Sociology. United Kingdom: Blackwell Publishing. Ashforth, B., Mael, F. 1989. Social identity and the organization. Academy of Management Review, 14: 20 – 39. Bennet, Jr., Lerone. 1984. Before the Mayflower. New York: Penguin Books. Cox, T. H. Blake, S. 1991. Managing Cultural Diversity: Implications for Organizational Competitiveness. Academy of Management Executive, 5: 45-56. Gaertner, S.L., Dovidio, J.F., Banker, B.S., Houlette, M., Johnson, K.M., McGlynn, E.A. 2000. Reducing intergroup conflict: From super-ordinate goals to decategorization, recategorization, and mutual differentiation. Group Dynamic: Theory, Research, and Practice, 4: 98-114. Giddens, A. and D. Held. 1982. Classes, Power, and Conflict: Classical and Contemporary Debates. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Jackson, S. E. 1991. Team composition in organizational settings: Issues in managing an increasingly diverse workforce. In S. Worchel W. Wood, and J.Simpson (Eds.). Group Process and Productivity: 138-173. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Kiesler, S., Siegel, J., and McGuire, T.W. 1984. Social psychological aspects of computer- mediated communications. American Psychologist, 39: 1123-1134. Knippenberg, D., Schie, E.C.M. 2000. Foci correlates of OID. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 73: 137- 147. Mael, F., Ashforth, B. 2001. Identification in work, sports, and religion: Contrasting the benefits and risks. Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior, 31: 197- 222. Mael, F.A., Tetrick, L.E. 1992. Identifying OID. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 52: 813- 824. Marcuse, Herbert. 1964. One-Dimensional Man. Boston: Beacon Press. Marx, Karl. 1939. Capital: Volume 1. New York: International Publishers. Marx, K., and F. Engels. 1951. Selected Works in Two Volumes: Volume 1. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House. Meltzer, Milton. 1984. The Black Americans: A History in Their Own Words. New York: Harper Collins Publishers. Schama, S.(Writer). (2009, January 20). What is an American? [Television series episode]. In The American Future: A History. KERA. Smith, Adam. 1991. Wealth of Nations. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. Tajfel, H., Turner, J. C. 1979. An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–48). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole. Tajfel, H. 1978. Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations. London: Academic Press. Tajfel, H. 1974. Social identity and intergroup behavior. Social Science Information, 15: 1010- 118. Note: Marx and Engels 1951a refers to The Manifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, and Marx and Engels 1951b refers to Wage Labour and Capital by Karl Marx as reprinted in Marx, K., and F. Engels. 1951. Selected Works in Two Volumes: Volume 1. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, pp. 21-97. Note: Giddens Held 1982 refers the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts reprinted in Giddens, A. and D. Held, Classes, Power, and Conflict: Classical and Contemporary Debates, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1982, pp. 12-19.

The Rhetoric of “Yes We Can” Essay Example for Free

The Rhetoric of â€Å"Yes We Can† Essay Darà ­o Villanueva outlines the history and significance of the rhetorical tradition and highlights the striking persistence of the power of the word in American politics. Even in our high-tech age, a three-word tagline -Yes We Can- carries devastating clout. The Greek sophists -the original masters of rhetoric, notorious for their appetite for influence rather than truth- would be both impressed by the abiding power of their art, and dismayed that, in the Gutenberg Galaxy, it has become a blunt instrument. Centuries before our time, the Greeks considered the question of how to speak so as to sway the hearers mind with the power of words. The first to examine the ways in which we relate to one another through language, the Greeks wrote detailed treatises laying bare the sinews of human communication, and their experience of language and the laws they inferred from it gave rise to Rhetoric, the art or science of the public speaker. The father of rhetoric was said to be Corax, who lived in the closing third of the fifth century BC in the Greek city state of Syracuse in Sicily; his disciple Thysias was credited with bringing his rhetorical discoveries to mainland Greece. Once there, rhetoric was appropriated by the so-called sophists. The history of the term is riven with self-contradiction. Etymologically, sophist means bearer of truth, but its modern meaning is the exact opposite: a sophistry-the stock-in-trade of politicians-is a plausible but spurious argument in support of a falsehood. True rhetoric, however ─Aristotle urges in the introduction to his Rhetoric─ is by no means sophistic. Discussing the uses of the discipline, Aristotle begins with the proclamation that rhetoric educates the common citizen and shapes his spirit, and is a useful way of advancing truth and justice, which in the natural course of things would prevail over their opposites if it were not because their advocates are sometimes inept.[1] Going back to the root of the matter, however, G.B. Kerferd, a scholar concerned with the earliest Greek sophists,[2] divided the school into three distinct types:  sages, such as Solon, whose wisdom was embodied as law; statesmen, who applied their pre-eminent talents to practical affairs, such as Pericles and Themistocles; and teachers of wisdom, skilled in passing on their learning and teaching eloquence, such as Protagoras, Gorgias or Socrates. If we view this classification in Montesquieus terms, the first group would stand for the legislative and judicial powers of the state, while the second group makes a good fit with the executive power. The third group, however, comprising masters of wisdom and oratory, embodies the time-honored marriage of interests and skills between scholars and rulers, sustained by the old but evergreen art of rhetoric. American rhetoric Leaving aside any objective or partisan judgment one might pass on his politics, which is irrelevant to our concern here, Barack Hussein Obama, a university academic, senator, and President of the United States, provides a fascinating example. He makes a perfect fit with a society as sharply characteristic as the American New World, the promised land where the political principles that were later to inspire the French Revolution of 1789 gave rise to an eclectic community, a melting pot of different ethnic origins-not all of them European-and open to all the innovations brought forth by the spectacular advance of science and technology from the Enlightenment to our own day. This was the New Democratic Nation that, ushering in modern poetry, Walt Whitman sang in his book, Leaves of Grass. One of the singular features of that New World is the somewhat astonishing survival, at some fundamental level, of the power of the word. The contrast may seem improbable, but in America the flourishing of technology and all its rich resources ─the central theme of a book that is in no way complacent, but in fact hypercritical, by Marshall McLuhan and his disciple Neil Postman[3]─ enables oratorical endeavor to thrive. Greek rhetoric, largely brought into being by the Sophists, who ─we must not forget─ were more interested in winning over the masses than the furtherance of truth, now has its promised land in the United States. A recent case in point is the impact of President Obamas Yes we can speeches. Again, it was Marshall McLuhan who reminded us that electric systems of communication ─radio and television particularly─ facilitated a revival of oral expression in human communication and cultural transmission after a period of relative tyranny of the eye over the ear: the written word, with the printing press as its handmaiden, had reigned supreme over the five centuries of what McLuhan dubbed the Gutenberg Galaxy.[4] Technopoly ─Postmans unflattering name for the United States of America─ is a locus particularly amenable to the use and development of new technologies, but, even in the twenty-first century, bears the hallmarks of a vast human community in which, as in the ancestral tribes discussed by McLuhan, the spoken word still harbors real power. An undeniable influence is exerted here by the religious bedrock that continues to underlie American society. Though fragmented and diverse, the Protestant churches visibly predominate, and in their communities the biblical and evangelical word breathes life into individual and collective spiritual experience, which draws further nourishment from the often impassioned eloquence of Protestant ministers. Barack Obama himself, a devout Christian, partakes of this culture of liturgical oratory; and, far from keeping this within the private sphere, he has no qualms about putting it on public show as one facet among many of his political personality. His beginnings as a Chicago activist in the late 1980s saw him as a leader of the Developing Communities Project, run by the Church Association on the South Side. Whats more-and this was the subject of a serious controversy, adroitly handled by Obama when his presidential campaign was in full swing-he was an active member of Chicagos Trinity Church, a congregation shepherded by the controversial Reverend Jeremiah Wright. The importance of rhetoric has been a feature of American democracy since the Founding Fathers. Its earliest master was Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States and first Republican President, who  proclaimed the Emancipation of black slaves in 1863. Obama brought this to the fore in his Victory Speech when he called upon his political adversaries, members of Lincolns own party. The man who in January 2009 became the 44th president started his campaign two years earlier in the state capital at Springfield, Illinois, where in 1858 Lincoln had delivered his landmark House Divided speech. Some political commentators have not hesitated to draw a parallel between the two by dint of their common gift for oratory. Lincolns most celebrated rhetorical legacy is a prodigious speech delivered on November 10, 1863, at Gettysburg. Running to only 246 words, what might have been no more than the close of a posthumous tribute to the heroes of a battle fought four months earlier on the fields of Pennsylvania became the historic proclamation that, after the Civil War, the American nation would be consecrated for ever as the realm of freedom: government of the people, by the people and for the people. The election campaign We can readily appreciate in Barack Obamas election campaign speeches-available at http://obamaspeeches.com-that these principles, and the more effective ways in which they have been put into words, survive today; more importantly, both the principles and the words retain their power to move and engage the citizenry. This is the power of words which Obama invoked at the end of his speech announcing that he was running for President at the same place where, 149 years before, Lincoln had spoken on a House Divided. It is accurate to point out that a decisive factor in his campaign was the recruitment of all the Internets rich resources: blogs, chat rooms, social networking and, above all, the availability on YouTube of some of the candidates key speeches, which I shall later be parsing from the rhetorical standpoint. Nevertheless, in the beginning, as in the biblical Genesis, was the Word, the foundation of the oral communication that marks us out as rational beings and as social animals. So one might say that Obama simply used the new technological possibilities offered by what some now call the Internet Galaxy,[5] just as one of his predecessors in the Oval Office had  done with what McLuhan called the Marconi Constellation. I am of course referring to Franklin D. Roosevelts fireside chats, a series of 30 radio talks broadcast from 1933 to 1944. Political scientists have claimed the chats played a vital role in getting the American public to understand two major presidential initiatives: first, the New Deal, which Roosevelt undertook to combat the Depression of the 1930s; secondly, Roosevelts decision to take America into the great war then afflicting Europe. Roosevelts radio talks have gone down in the history of communications as a great oratorical achievement. They would begin with an affable Good evening, friends, and went on for 15 to 45 minutes. 80% of Roosevelts words were among the thousand commonest in the English language. Though he shares the gift of oratory with Lincoln and Roosevelt, in Obama we have a modern-day speaker addressing twenty-first-century citizens and using hitherto unthinkable technologies to enhance what, in the last instance, is little more than the outcome of applying the principles of rhetoric and its main genres of discourse: deliberative-i.e., political-discourse, and demonstrative, epideictic discourse. The epideictic mode includes the encomium, by which one describes a person, a pattern of behavior or a state of affairs with the aim of dispensing praise or censure; one of its characteristic figures ─of which, as we shall see, Obama is a consummate master─ is evidentia, a particularly vivid form of description. Obama was no stranger ─rather the opposite─ to the forensic rhetorical genre, having first majored in political science at Columbia and later progressed to a doctorate at the no less prestigious Harvard Law School. In fact, his media debut was a consequence of his being elected editor of the Harvard Law Review, the prelude to a distinguished career as a jurist which was later to elevate him to the chair of constitutional law at the University of Chicago. Communication strategies In the American system of higher education, even at the foundational level of training imparted at college up to the attainment of a bachelors degree,  much is made of communication strategies: students are urged to study and practice them, on the view that they are of crucial import for their proper development as citizens. The significance accorded to applied rhetoric is taken to an extreme in graduate study in the social sciences and, in particular, at law school. When I first experienced life in the United States, thirty years ago now, I was struck by how versatile and broad-ranging modern American rhetoric can be. In all facets of society rhetoric is close at hand, especially in the media; television has not yet lost its entrenched primacy, although it is doomed increasingly to share its viewership with the Internet. Tellingly, you can find sites on the web specifically concerned with this phenomenon, such as American Rhetoric (http://www.americanrhetoric.com), providing a selection of 100 major speeches, or Great Speeches Collection, at http://history places.com. Rhetoric is of course present in the political discourse of members of the executive and of congressmen and senators; rhetoric is heard in the courtroom, and Hollywood has built an entire movie genre on it; rhetoric even runs through the informal, jocular acknowledgements given at showbiz awards ceremonies, and provides the sinew of Jay Lenos and David Lettermans late-show spiels; to particularly striking effect, rhetoric animates church sermons, designed and produced as television spectaculars that have now cornered weekend morning prime time. It was in this culture of the revival of the word that todays President of the United States was born and bred, and this is where he still operates today. His university training refined a number of talents that are no doubt innate. These were qualities that also graced Ronald Reagan, for instance, whose acting career proved a good fallback in the face of communicative and political challenges (the same cannot be said of George W. Bush), such as his famous debate with Walter Mondale broadcast from Kansas City towards the end of the 1984 campaign. But commentators and biographers have unanimously hailed Obama for the further distinction of oratorical fire and literary talent. In 1995, after months of writerly seclusion in Bali, Obama published  an excellent autobiographical account that met with high critical acclaim: Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance.[6] On reading this memoir, one perceives that the author is touched with literary passion and possessed of wide and varied learning, ranging from Shakespeare, Melville and Emerson to Nietzsche and Saint Augustine, from Toni Morrison and Doris Lessing to the great novelist of the Deep South, the Nobel laureate William Faulkner, who merits mention in Obamas vibrant speech delivered at Philadelphia in March 2008, A More Perfect Union. Barack Obamas rhetorical flair is also in evidence in his ability to empathize with his audience by his skillful actio, the austere but forceful gestures with which he delivers his speeches. He displays fine judgment in his choice of speechwriters, and is able to convey to them the guiding ideas-the rhetorical inventio, or core content of the message-to which his writers must then give the right words-elocutio-arranged into the most effective structure, or dispositio, for the intended purpose of the address. Logographers, ghostwriters, negros The history of Greek rhetoric devotes a short paragraph to memorialize the modest but indispensable figure of the logographer: in the fifth century BC exemplars such as Antiphon or Lysias worked as mercenary speechwriters. Their modern counterparts find no shortage of work as members of the teeming campaign outfits put on the road by the typical American presidential candidate, whose frenzied activity and ethical quandaries were taken to the screen by Mike Nichols in the 1998 movie Primary Colors, starring John Travolta and Emma Thompson. Obamas leading logographer is Jon Favreau, a 27-year-old prodigy who devoted two months to write the twenty-minute speech that his boss gave at the Lincoln Memorial at the start of his campaign. In addition to writing the Victory Speech for November 4, 2008, Favreau also penned the words that would have been spoken if Obama had lost. The President and his logographer understand each other so well that Obama calls Favreau a mind-reader, crediting him with almost telepathic empathy. This is the key to being a  good ghostwriter, the English term for what we in Spanish call a negro, a writer on anothers behalf. The outturn of this fruitful partnership is a corpus of oratorical pieces that already deserves a place of honor in the canon of American rhetoric. These fine, poetic speeches are also sharply effective in stirring their hearers to action. Another matter-and this is the vital challenge standing in the way of rhetoric, an art shaped, we ought not to forget, by the Sophists-is whether these beautiful pieces have any performative force, as a linguist might say. Put another way, the tough reality is that a wide gap yawns open between saying and doing; as the Spanish adage goes, obras son amores y no buenas razones, good works, not fine words, are the stuff of love. How to Do Things with Words is the title of a series of papers given at Harvard (and published posthumously in 1962) by John Langshaw Austin, a linguistic philosopher concerned not so much with the descriptive capacity of language as with its ability to affect reality, to shape the facts. Hillary Clinton, in the heat of the primaries, mischievously said, My opponent gives speeches. I offer solutions. Obama risks being stigmatized as a purveyor of hot air in the wake of his winning the Nobel Peace Prize in October 2009. Rather than an accolade warranted by the laureates actions, the prize seems merely to recognize the esthetics of Obamas mentions of peace in his speeches, already acclaimed by some journalists as some of the most brilliant ever spoken by a President of the United States. The American canon of oratory also includes a number of pieces delivered by statesmen who never rose to the highest office. The oratory of Barack Obama is indebted, in my view, to one in particular. I have a dream I am of course referring to the dazzling address that Martin Luther King delivered in Washington on August 28, 1963, at the crowning moment of a march on the federal capital by black civil rights campaigners claiming entitlement to work and freedom. Luther Kings speech went down in the  annals of rhetoric under the title of its core phrase, which, by dexterous use of anaphora, operates as the central motif: I have a dream. Martin Luther King, like Barack Obama 44 years later, first turns his hearers attention to the figure of a great American, President Lincoln, whose Emancipation Proclamation came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves. But that promise of work and freedom-the orator then continues with vibrant diction-has been dishonored by the American nation, and the black community is now to raise its voice in protest, like a man given a bad check. Following this apt simile, so close to the heart of a money-driven society like America, the speaker offers a short but powerful list of demands with which the movement has come to Washington. He uses this moment to identify with his audience, as if he were no more than another participant in the march, and, addressing his brothers and sisters in the second person, he urges them, Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And, as a proactive expression of his exhortation against discouragement, Martin Luther King then spoke the prophetic phrase that became the title of the entire speech, and that structures the final stretch of the oration by the figure of anaphora, the intermittent repetition of a single idea expressed in the same words: I have a dream. The speakers dream is rooted from the outset in the so-called American dream, the attainment of which is presented as still in the future. It is the dream of seeing realized Thomas Jeffersons proposition in the Declaration of Independence of 1776, that all men are created equal, as applied to the racial discrimination that at this time, 1964, still reigned. The dream is then particularized into a number of direct phrases that build up to a climax of hope propitiated by the repetition of the same form of words by a roused audience. And the first fundamental anaphora, I have a dream, several times repeated, now gives way to a second anaphora that will serve to end the speech. If America is destined to be a great nation, it will see that dream come true and liberty will prevail for all its children. To conclude his speech, the orator applies the figure of anaphora to the refrain of a popular song, written in 1832, titled America: Let freedom ring. This phrase is repeated no fewer than ten times. Martin Luther King then links up this phrase with another, drawn from a well-known black spiritual: Free at last. Almost half a century after I have a dream, the emblematic phrase of the leading figure of the Afro-American community-who tragically died in 1968, long before a black citizen reached the presidency of the United States-Barack Obama, in the speeches that were to raise him to the Oval Office, shared a number of features with Martin Luther King (who incidentally also won the Nobel Peace Prize). In the key speech on the New Hampshire primary night, the man who was to become Americas first black president had heartfelt words of reminiscence for the black preacher who took us to the mountaintop and pointed us the way to the Promised Land. Both orators share a recognition of the legacy of Jefferson, Lincoln and the Founding Fathers; both use the language of the Christian community, gathered round the warmth of the Bible; both are masters of oratory, and successful rhetorical performers in front of their respective audiences. Obama even shares Kings recourse to the figure of anaphora, this time with a phrase which was likewise to achieve outstanding resonance: Yes we can. Yes we can One of the forms taken by the emergence of new communicative technologies now in the service of political discourse is exemplified by the fascinating way in which Obamas slogan was made into a song produced by Will.I.Am (William James Adams), a member of the hip-hop band Black Eyed Peas, who then broadcast his work via YouTube and dipdive.com in February 2008 under the username WeCan08. Obama and his speechwriters were not wholly original in coining the phrase. The direct precedent of the yes we can tagline was Hispanic. In 1972, the Chicano human rights leader Cesar Chavez, who with Dolores Huerta and Philip Vera Cruz founded United Farm Workers, used the slogan Sà ­, se puede, which translates into English as Yes, it can be done. The difference between these two phrasings in English, Chavez and Obamas, has vital rhetorical significance. Yes we can contains a veritable compendium of expressive virtues, from the standpoint of the core idea, or inventio, and in terms of its dispositio and elocutio. More, it is easy to remember, and the speakers actio or performance can readily arouse a collective response, as seen on YouTube: the entire audience put their voices together as a univocal chorus echoing the soloist. The crux, however, is that Chavez slogan was impersonal, whereas Obama transformed it into a form of words unambiguously encompassing the joint will of leader and people, united by that inclusive we. The illocutionary and perlocutionary impact of the slogan can be elucidated by looking back at the tagline used for Dwight Eisenhowers presidential campaign of 1952. A marketing expert, Peter G. Peterson, who later rose to be Richard Nixons Trade Secretary, crafted a phrase which, unlike Obama, Eisenhower for obvious reasons never included in his own speeches, but his followers chanted non-stop; it was touted relentlessly by the whole propagandistic armory of Republican billboards, rosettes, medals, flags, banners, signage and badges. Peterson, the mind behind all this, lighted on General Eisenhowers nickname: Ike. Playing chiefly with the rhetorical figure of alliteration, Peterson tied Ike to the first-person pronoun, I, thus eliciting the speakers full engagement with what he or she was saying. Finally, the third alliterative term, linking the subject-the I instantiating each potential voter-to the object-the candidates nickname, Ike, was a verb with a similar vowel sound: the present indicative of to like. I like Ike became a round declaration by whoever spoke the slogan of his preference in the presidential race. I like Ike: therefore, my vote for the Presidency of the United States goes to Dwight Eisenhower, and no other. Obamas slogan is doubtless more resonant than Eisenhowers, and even more compact. Its three monosyllables make it memorable and give it prosodic, rhythmic and perlocutionary force. In those speeches in which Obama actually spoke the phrase yes we can, his audience would echo the same words, the  meanings of which range over a mass of politically charged domains. The first monosyllable of the tagline has the robustness of the affirmative. The speaker starts with an affirmation, with all that that implies as a positive bid to mobilize. And that yes forthwith engages with an inclusive we, the first-person plural pronoun that embraces both speaker and hearer, unlike Cesar Chavez precedent, yes, it can be done, which, as we have seen, has an impersonal tenor. Finally, the verb can carries power, strength, determination. An audience thus roused by a leader partakes in the meaning of these three monosyllables, which they can readily chant. The import of this is to say, aloud and in unison: We affirm that together we shall achieve our aims, because our combined strength enables us to do so. Rhetorical figures The apostrophe is one of the figures classified in the art of rhetoric as pathetic, in the technical sense that these were devices appropriate to venting the passions. An apostrophe consists in expressly calling upon the audience, in a bid to create the climate for achieving the orators perlocutionary ends. With his yes we can, Obama peremptorily urged his followers to take on and successfully resolve the decisive challenges facing the health of the Republic. Yes we can burst onto the scene of Barack Obamas presidential campaign in the course of his speech at Nashua on January 8, 2008, the night after the New Hampshire Democratic primary, which Obama lost to Hillary Clinton, his main rival. From the standpoint of rhetorical analysis, however, we should look at the full sweep of the future Presidents twelve key speeches, from his candidacy announcement at Springfield on February 10, 2007, to the Victory Speech in Grant Park, Chicago, on November 4, 2008. The first speech to feature Yes we can, the New Hampshire address, was the third of a series that repays consideration as an integrated whole, in so far as, to different degrees and modulated in different ways, it contains the doctrinal message that Obama, as a presidential candidate, sought to convey to the American people. To this end, his speechwriters put in play a vast and powerful arsenal of rhetorical resources. The first text I have chosen ─Obamas announcement that he was to run for President─ is indisputably significant for its inventio, its content, its choice of venue (the Lincoln Memorial, erected on the site where the eponymous former president gave his famous House Divided speech) and its ingenious rhetorical design. Obama draws inspiration from the founders of the Republic to promise what all politicians promise at the start of their campaigns: change. He lists the grave challenges faced by the nation, and deplores the dearth of leadership and the pettiness of politics. In response to these blights and challenges, he ties together a chain of proposals, each starting with the anaphora, Lets be the generation that Lets be the generation that reshapes our economy to compete in the digital age that ends poverty in America that finally tackles our health care crisis that finally frees America from the tyranny of oil. There are no fewer than six uses of this same form of apostrophe, in which the leader stands shoulder to shoulder with his fellow citizens in the will to be the generation of change. One of these anaphoric devices engages another that already points to the main catchphrase with which we are concerned. We can control costs we can harness homegrown, alternative fuels we can work together to track terrorists down, the speaker continues. One can make out the outlines of the rhetorical blueprint of the whole campaign, which was soon to find its ideal slogan in the Yes we can phrase. At Springfield, when Obama was still one of eight Democratic candidates competing for nomination, he affirmed that there is power in words there is power in conviction. The anaphoric repetition of we can is the antidote to skepticism, of which the speaker is not unaware: I know there are those who dont believe we can do all these things. He, however, does believe it, and his faith is reinforced by the certainty that he is not alone. Hence he makes an urgent call to action: That is why this campaign cant only be about me. It must  be about us, it must be about what we can do together. We cannot know whether at that early stage on the long road that was to take Barack Obama to the White House the yes we can phrase was already in his and his speechwriters minds, but what was present was the belief that together, leader and people, they could. Sparks began to fly at the beginning of the following year. The second text with which we are concerned is Obamas speech on Iowa Caucus night, January 3, 2008. Before the party assembly at Des Moines, the candidate started his short but powerful speech with an announcement of imminent change, a change he was ready to lead. His belief is again expressed in a string of four anaphoric paragraphs: Ill be a President who finally makes health care affordable Ill be a President who ends the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas Ill be a President who [frees] this nation from the tyranny of oil Ill be a President who ends this war in Iraq. The speech concludes with a finely judged rhetorical and emotive gradation. Again using anaphora, the speaker prophesies the moment of change he is confident of achieving with his followers and the American people at large. This was the moment, he says, when America remembered what it means to hope. At this point, Obama and his logographer resort to the rhetorical figure of thought technically termed recriminatio: For many months, weve been teased, even derided for talking about hope, the candidate complains. But, turning the accusation against the original accusers, he reminds us that hope is the bedrock of this nation, an allusion readily grasped by the audience in that it looks to one of the founding myths of the United States. Obama himself embodies the truth of that foundational myth: Hope is what led me here today, with a father from Kenya; a mother from Kansas; and a story that could only happen in the United States of America. The leader uses his own self as a specific model of what he proclaims, enlisting another rhetorical figure already used in that same speech and featuring in several later orations. Hypotyposis or evidentia consists in a detailed description of a specific example that illustrates the speakers argument. Before using  himself as such an example, Obama had evoked several instances of hope for change, which he had read in the eyes of the young woman in Cedar Rapids, whose night shift was not enough to pay health care for her sick sister, or had heard in the voice of the New Hampshire woman whose nephew was fighting in Iraq. This same hope had inspired a handful of colonials to rise up against an empire, and driven the American civil rights movement, led by James Bevel and Martin Lut her King, to march from Selma to Montgomery, in the racist Alabama of the Ku Klux Klan and Governor Wallace. Given these precedents, everything was in place for the candidates third landmark speech, the New Hampshire address at Nashua on January 8, 2008, to bring to light the slogan that was to usher Barack Obama into the White House and become a motto of universal resonance. With admirable rhetorical skill, this speech lays out a range of political arguments-anticipated by earlier speeches-and naturally culminates with the emblematic phrase yes we can, three words which the speaker predicts will ring from coast to coast; from sea to shining sea. Those political propositions herald a change wrought by a new majority that desires to end unaffordable health care, end tax breaks for companies that ship [American] jobs overseas, end schools blighted by corridors of shame, and put a stop to pattern of energy use that harms the planet and humanity. By the figure of speech termed anadiplosis, Obamas oration at Nashua rounds out each of these propositions with a repeated urge that we can, always attributed to the new majority: we can do this with our new majority. His words flow like a cascade until a final apostrophe to the audience arouses the response of a chorus speaking with one voice. Returning to the figure mentioned earlier, recriminatio, the leader places blame on an opposing chorus, the chorus of cynics who insist we cannot do this. Those who deny the possibility of hope in a nation in which hope is never vain: But in the unlikely story that is America, there has never been anything false about hope. A number of domestic evidentias are then  mentioned: the struggle of the Spartanburg textile worker, the plight of the Las Vegas dishwasher, the hopes of the little girl who goes to a crumbling school in Dillon and the dreams of the boy who learns on the streets of LA. On this rugged foundation that befits the nature of the American people, Barack Obama raises his slogan like a standard, and with the choral approval of his audience he recites the phrase no fewer than nine times, before closing the speech with the final words: yes we can. Once the phrase was firmly coined, Obama did not actually utter it even once in his next speech, a long and closely argued address. This was A More Perfect Union, which Obama gave on March 18, 2008, in Philadelphia, the city which for Americans is something like Cadiz is for us [Spains first democratic constitution was proclaimed in 1812 at Cadiz], for Philadelphia was where the Constitution was enacted on September 17, 1787, twenty-five years before Spains La Pepa. The first sentence of its preamble gives Obamas speech its title, and expresses one of the core ideas of his whole campaign ─the union of all Americans─ but, in particular, it opens with an emphatic We, echoing Yes we can: We, the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect union do ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States of America. Obama again gives the lie to the naysayers who dismiss his candidature as a mere exercise in affirmative action, but he devotes the lions share of the address to a harsh recriminatio directed against his former pastor, the Reverend Jeremiah Wright, whose radical invective against the United States, as his reaction to the survival of racial discrimination, had compromised Obamas electoral outlook. The candidate makes use of this sensitive juncture to assert that, for him, too, amicus Plato sed magis amica veritas, [Plato is my friend, but truth is the greater friend]. He publicly professes his religious faith and at the same time evinces an outright rejection of extremism, always confident that America can change, and that only if we do as the Scriptures would have us do ─be brothers to our brothers─  Americans will bring truth to those words of the Constitution as to a more perfect union. To illustrate his argument, nothing could be better than a fresh evidentia: the homely heroism of Ashley Baia, a 23-year-old woman volunteer working for the Obama campaign in Florence, South Carolina. Obama acknowledges having already told this anecdote at an event commemorating Martin Luther King at the Baptist church of Ebenezer, Kings own parish in Atlanta. This display of religious faith-which would be unthinkable in a European politician, for instance-comes to the fore in the next piece I propose to examine: Obamas talk given on Fathers Day, June 15, 2008, at the Apostolic Church of God in Chicago. As though he himself were in holy orders, Obama begins his speech with a quotation from the Sermon on the Mount, as told by St Matthew. He follows this, again, with a mention of Martin Luther King, and then holds himself out as a statesman and father, advocating the education of his children as a responsibility not only of government officials but also of their own parents. He ends the address by characterizing his words as a prayer or call which he hopes will come true for his country in the years ahead. A specific, chiefly economic theme runs through the immediately subsequent speech, delivered by Obama at Kettering University in Flint, Michigan, on June 16. The title tells the story: Renewing American Competitiveness. This was not an occasion for the emotive force of a political harangue, but the candidate nonetheless refers to the Founding Fathers, who, having won independence, created a common market by fusing the economies of the first 13 states. He follows this up with a with a fierce attack on the neoliberal, militaristic and ultraconservative politics of George W. Bush and the Republican Party. In stark opposition to their approach, he proposes as pillars of an economy that is to become more competitive in the globalized world a reinvigorated school system, innovative energy strategies, a more efficient health system and new investment in fundamental research and infrastructure. His closing words, however, point back to the central theme of his campaign: Because when American s come together, there is no destiny too difficult or too distant for us to reach. Ich bin ein Berliner The second-to-last speech that Barack Obama gave in the year in which he won the presidency was also tightly focused on a specific subject, but for that very reason ─and, in particular, because of its venue─ it brings to mind another piece of oratory that has its place among the most memorable ever spoken by a President of the United States in the twentieth century. Obama only revealed his foreign policy blueprint on the occasion of his visit to Berlin, on July 24, 2008. Under the title A World That Stands as One, he sets out his understanding of cultural diversity, national interests, nations and the attitudes of all the worlds peoples. Facing a different audience-not his usual hearers, American electors-he presents himself as a citizen of the United States and fellow citizen of the world. He refers to the responsibility that attaches to global citizenship, and acknowledges that the United States closest ally is still Europe, placing on record his hope that Europe will remain united. In our continent, he says, it is likewise meaningful to invoke that yearning for a more perfect union, in the words of the preamble to the American Constitution, which Obama mentions here in Berlin. In a Berlin riven by the Wall, fraught with the intolerable tension of the Cold War and the partition of Germany, John Fitzgerald Kennedy had roused his German hearers when, on June 11, 1963, he opened his speech, delivered from the steps of the Rathaus Schoneberg, with a seeming paradox, spoken in German: Ich bin ein Berliner (nowhere in the speech was Kennedy to utter the English phrase I am a Berliner). The effect of these words was electrifying: the people of Berlin, besieged and alone in a redoubt of Western democracy behind the Iron Curtain ─an expression popularized by another great modern orator, Winston Churchill─ enthusiastically identified with the president of a power which only 18 years before had driven the Nazi regime to defeat. The audience gladly accepted Kennedys closing argument, in the manner of an epiphonema: All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin. Therefore, as a free man, I proudly say these words: Ich  bin ein Berliner. This belated review of a small selection from the oratorical corpus of Barack Hussein Obama, brilliantly crowned by his Victory Speech of November 4, 2008, in Chicagos Grant Park, reveals, among other rhetorical features like those discussed earlier, a consistent theme, developed over the course of the entire process in response to the emerging circumstances of the campaign and the venues of Obamas rallies, in conjunction with an overarching strategy, which scholars of Baroque literature have often characterized as the coming together of two movements: first, the dissemination of arguments; secondly, a complementary gathering of arguments. This is precisely the characteristic tenor of this final oration, the Victory Speech. The President Elect opens with an affirmation of the continuing force of the dream of our Founders and other great men, such as Lincoln, Roosevelt, and Martin Luther King, a preacher from Atlanta. Those doubting the dream have finally been put right by American votes. To flesh out this concept of electoral vindication, Obamas logographer again resorts to the figure of anaphora, four times repeating the same clause: Its the answer The answer is change, still the true genius of America. The winning candidate, via the figure of apostrophe, then directly addresses his hearers- whether listening to him in Grant Park itself or by the medium of electromagnetic waves-as the you that has made all this possible. This apostrophe does not disclose a recriminatio, like that which even on this joyous occasion Obama has cast in the direction of the cynics, but a veritable encomium or panegyric of those who have raised him to office, with their donations, their supportive looks and applause, and their votes, which are decisive for Obama to take on challenges as vast as two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. To personify the unanimous people as an individual, he proposes a new evidentia, Ann Nixon Cooper, who that afternoon had stood in line to vote, 106 years of life behind her. The cold shower of reality nonetheless encourages Obama to rebuild the strong  bonds of alliance between President and people invoked by yes we can, the slogan which now, looking forward, takes on the shape of a rhetorical variatio: I promise you, we as a people will get there. YouTube provides a record of how Obamas promise was met by the audiences chorus of yes we can. This was precisely the closing phrase of the entire campaign, at the very moment at which the candidate was invested with the charisma of victory. His speech was again a masterpiece of that effective communicative technology that is none other than ancient rhetoric, as revived in the Internet Galaxy. Today, Obamas speechwriters continue to exploit all the resources of the art of rhetoric, including the play on words that contrasts the interests of Wall Street-the inner sanctuary of capitalism-with those of Main Street, which stands for American towns and small cities, the emblem of the common citizenry.